Senator Amy Klobuchar seemed quite clear when she revealed the first state she would visit as a presidential candidate: Wisconsin. “Because, as you remember, there wasn’t a lot of campaigning in Wisconsin in 2016,” she said. “With me, that changes.”

  Many Democrats took it as an unmistakable swipe at Hillary Clinton, who lost that battleground state after never appearing there during the 2016 general election campaign. The jab ricocheted across the internet, enraging Clinton admirers and earning Ms. Klobuchar attention as a Midwesterner willing to speak hard truths.

  But behind the scenes, Ms. Klobuchar of Minnesota sprang into damage control mode, firing off an email to Mrs. Clinton. In a phone call that soon followed, she apologized and said her off-the-cuff remark had been misinterpreted, according to people familiar with the episode.

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  The Klobuchar comment came out of nowhere for the former Democratic presidential nominee: Only three days earlier, Ms. Klobuchar had been sitting in Mrs. Clinton’s Washington home, the latest in a line of 2020 Democrats who had sought her private counsel ahead of their campaigns. Two days before that, it had been former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. who had visited, according to a person familiar with the meeting.

  After eight years as first lady, eight years as New York senator, four years as secretary of state and five months as the party’s presidential nominee, Mrs. Clinton remains a singular and complicated figure when it comes to Democratic presidential politics. In a 2020 race featuring a historic number of female candidates, Mrs. Clinton’s shadow is inescapable, particularly as she is a favorite target of President Trump.

  Whether it is building or deepening a relationship with Mrs. Clinton — or navigating or repairing a long-term one — the men and women in the 2020 race must grapple with how the 2016 nominee will factor into the next 18 months.

  “I love the Clintons,” said Terry McAuliffe, the former Virginia governor considering a 2020 run and a close friend of the Clinton family for decades. “But this is about the future.”

  Mrs. Clinton is, at once, a glass-ceiling-shattering symbol of women’s empowerment and an emblem of the past. She is both the first woman to lead a major party ticket and the candidate who lost the Electoral College in a defeat that left Democrats stunned and demoralized. She is a party elder but also a politician who will not be nudged out of the arena, declining to unequivocally rule out a 2020 run. She still possesses a loyal and powerful constituency of female supporters even as she is the farthest she has been from center stage in American politics in almost three decades.

  “This party is part of her DNA and she deserves the respect,” said Minyon Moore, a strategist who has advised Mrs. Clinton for decades. “How many candidates have lost their campaign? Some twice, and they’re still running again, potentially. She has a stature in this party that she has earned.”

  In her conversations, Mrs. Clinton signaled that she has no plans to endorse someone in the primary, say those who have spoken with her, but is eager to help the eventual nominee. “She will certainly not insert herself,” Ms. Moore said.

  Nick Merrill, a spokesman for Mrs. Clinton, said, “She’s been meeting with our 2020 candidates and telling them one thing: They can count on her to help get the 65 million-plus Americans who voted for her to vote for our nominee.”

  But even as she offers supportive words, Mrs. Clinton has given the impression that she harbors a faint hope she could still become president one day. In private conversations, she occasionally muses about an opening, according to some who have spoken with her, sounding more wistful than realistic.

  There are no actual signs Mrs. Clinton is pursuing a campaign. Her former campaign chairman, John Podesta, said flatly weeks ago she was not running. Mr. Merrill declined to comment on her plans, pointing to her remarks last fall when she twice said “no” about wanting to run again before adding, “Well, I’d like to be president.”

  Mrs. Clinton’s deep connections have complicated the political calculations for candidates at a time when her party is acutely aware of not repeating what some Democrats see as her mistakes. And while several candidates and their advisers said they would welcome her endorsement, they acknowledge it could come with political risk, as Mrs. Clinton remains a representation of the party’s old guard.

  Advisers to Mr. McAuliffe expect that his close association with the Clintons would be an issue if he ran, even as the relationship enhances his ability to raise money from some of their loyal donors.

  “Hillary Clinton is a leading expert in any one of a dozen issues, from politics to policy, and it would be crazy not to try to extract as much of that knowledge as you can in any amount of time you can get from her,” said Matt McKenna, a former Clinton family adviser now working with Mr. Bullock.

  Since her loss, there is little question that Mrs. Clinton and her husband do not have the same pull they once did in a party that was once nearly synonymous with their last name. With their army of donors, influential circle of current and former staff members and a powerful public platform, the Clintons were seen as career makers — or breakers. No longer.

  As the party has searched for a way forward in the Trump era, Democrats have become more open with their criticism of the couple. The party’s left wing has repudiated some of Mr. Clinton’s main achievements, including the 1994 crime bill and the 1999 repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act, which allowed the rise of big banks, and is eager to distance itself from the scandals that defined Mr. Clinton’s second term.

  But as Ms. Klobuchar saw, those who cross the Clintons risk blowback.

  Ms. Gillibrand and Mrs. Clinton were not on speaking terms ahead of Ms. Gillibrand’s run, even though Mrs. Clinton had inspired Ms. Gillibrand to get into politics, wrote the foreword to her book and campaigned for her in her first House race. Their relationship deteriorated after Ms. Gillibrand in late 2017 said a resignation by Mr. Clinton would have been “appropriate.”

  In an interview in January, Ms. Gillibrand gingerly said she planned “to reach out” to Mrs. Clinton: “I would like to hear her perspective and I would be very grateful for her advice.” Later, she added: “I value her counsel. I hope I will be able to earn that in the future.” The two are now supposed to meet soon, according to a person familiar with the matter.

  Those who have spoken with Mrs. Clinton say she has plenty of advice. After running a campaign that published a 288-page policy book, she urges candidates not to let their message get clouded by wonky policy debates. As a politician who famously claimed a “vast right-wing conspiracy,” she has warned about the barrage of Republican attacks they are likely to face. She has specifically warned female candidates of the gendered expectations they will face, in particular on national security. And she has encouraged everyone to preserve their health amid the rigors of campaigning, a struggle for Mrs. Clinton, who found her campaign derailed by conspiracy theories about her physical fitness after she fainted at a 9/11 memorial ceremony.

  In conversations with the Democratic National Committee chairman Tom Perez, she has urged the national party to fund-raise more aggressively and build a data-sharing program for its candidates that is comparable to the one Republicans successfully leveraged on behalf of Mr. Trump in 2016, according to some who have spoken with her, including Mr. Perez.

  “She had a lot of advice,” Mr. Hickenlooper said. “She’s been there. It’s one thing to read about stuff and it’s another thing to live it. She is very insightful about drawing wisdom from her experience.”

  As they turn their focus to a 2020 rematch against Mr. Trump, Democrats are determined not to repeat what they see as the missteps made by Mrs. Clinton and her campaign.

  “I begin by acknowledging that Hillary Clinton beat Donald Trump by millions of votes,” Mr. Castro said. “At the same time, it’s clear we want to go with a laser focus on winning back Florida, Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin.”

  A few days after her talk with Mrs. Clinton, Ms. Klobuchar pushed a message of “heartland economics” in Iowa. But, this time, she was careful to credit Mrs. Clinton.

  “Hillary is a good friend and would have been a great president,” Ms. Klobuchar said. “I was just showing that I can win in Wisconsin, that I can win in Iowa, that I can win across the Midwest.”



  本港台同步报码室中国文物网“【现】【在】【的】【情】【况】【就】【是】【这】【样】【了】。”【众】【人】【望】【着】【叶】【子】【毫】【无】【意】【识】【的】【身】【体】,【感】【到】【了】【一】【阵】【阵】【的】【担】【忧】。 “【他】【身】【体】【的】【各】【项】【指】【标】【都】【很】【正】【常】,【但】【就】【是】【醒】【不】【过】【来】。”【炫】【炫】【十】【分】【着】【急】【的】【看】【着】【屏】【幕】【上】【的】【数】【据】【说】【道】。 “【看】【来】,【人】【类】【的】【科】【技】【是】【无】【法】【解】【释】【这】【边】【的】【情】【况】【了】。”【达】【芬】【妮】【转】【身】【看】【向】【了】【巨】【树】【周】【围】【的】【传】【送】【门】。 “【对】【啊】,【也】【许】【那】【些】【亚】【特】【兰】【蒂】【斯】【人】

【对】【于】【刚】【才】【的】【小】【插】【曲】,【夜】【离】【一】【点】【都】【没】【放】【在】【心】【上】,【华】【姐】【也】【无】【所】【谓】,【实】【在】【是】【对】【方】【的】【奇】【葩】【有】【些】【超】【出】【夜】【离】【的】【想】【象】【了】, 【大】【家】【不】【认】【识】,【一】【句】【轻】【描】【淡】【写】【的】【话】,【就】【想】【让】【自】【己】【方】【弃】【两】【员】【世】【界】【级】【别】【的】【突】【击】【手】,【要】【不】【是】【杀】【人】【犯】【法】,【夜】【离】【真】【想】【掰】【开】【对】【方】【的】【脑】【子】【看】【看】,【里】【面】【是】【不】【是】【空】【的】,【说】【话】【这】【么】【不】【经】【大】【脑】! 【最】【让】【夜】【离】【吃】【惊】【的】【就】【是】,【志】【星】【和】【北】【林】

【谯】【周】【闻】【言】【点】【了】【口】【气】【说】【道】, “【主】【公】【方】【才】【借】【着】【酒】【劲】【儿】,【竟】【然】【拿】【秦】【末】【赵】【高】【指】【鹿】【为】【马】【的】【事】【情】【来】【考】【教】【我】【们】,【难】【道】【他】【这】【是】【想】【学】【赵】【高】【让】【咱】【们】【指】【鹿】【为】【马】,【搬】【弄】【是】【非】【吗】?” 【张】【松】【闻】【言】【笑】【着】【说】【道】, “【非】【也】,【非】【也】,【我】【看】【咱】【们】【主】【公】【不】【简】【单】,【那】【几】【个】【阿】【谀】【奉】【承】【的】【官】【吏】,【怕】【是】【要】【保】【不】【住】【官】【职】【了】!” 【谯】【周】【闻】【言】【有】【些】【疑】【惑】【地】【说】【道】, “

  【林】【楠】【当】【然】【知】【道】【苗】【菲】【是】【什】【么】【意】【思】【了】,【不】【过】【这】【对】【于】【自】【己】【来】【说】【有】【点】【难】【吧】,【如】【果】【这】【个】【样】【子】【的】【话】,【自】【己】【又】【如】【何】【的】【能】【够】【理】【解】【呢】?【三】【年】【前】【是】【他】【有】【不】【得】【已】【的】【苦】【衷】【才】【离】【开】【的】,【他】【一】【直】【是】【深】【爱】【着】【苗】【飞】【的】,【对】【于】【他】【来】【说】,【苗】【费】【就】【是】【他】【未】【来】【打】【算】【结】【婚】【的】【人】,【也】【是】【一】【辈】【子】【打】【算】【是】【爱】【的】【人】,【这】【下】【离】【开】【的】【话】,【自】【己】【还】【没】【有】【意】【识】【到】【那】【么】【多】,【可】【能】【觉】【得】【苗】【费】【可】【能】本港台同步报码室中国文物网【此】【时】【的】【雷】【煌】【还】【不】【知】【道】【郎】【风】【已】【经】【悄】【悄】【的】【朝】【着】【溶】【洞】【走】【去】,【而】【他】【还】【在】【海】【滩】【上】【面】【观】【察】【周】【围】【有】【没】【有】【遗】【漏】【的】【细】【节】。【一】【转】【身】【想】【要】【叫】【郎】【风】【商】【量】【一】【下】【的】【时】【候】,【人】【已】【经】【不】【见】【了】。 【雷】【煌】【四】【下】【寻】【找】,【只】【有】【眼】【前】【的】【溶】【洞】【吸】【引】【了】【他】【的】【注】【意】【力】。【于】【此】【同】【时】,【他】【也】【是】【看】【到】【了】【郎】【风】。【他】【跟】【了】【上】【去】,【郎】【风】【注】【意】【到】【溶】【洞】【里】【面】【对】【我】【湿】【气】【特】【别】【的】【重】。 【在】【经】【过】【了】【一】

  【把】【部】【分】【人】【送】【走】【之】【后】,【青】【霞】【就】【立】【马】【趁】【着】【人】【少】【的】【时】【候】,【拉】【起】【紫】【霞】【的】【手】【就】【是】【百】【米】【冲】【刺】。 【说】【实】【话】,【紫】【霞】【对】【于】【在】【街】【上】【跑】【的】【这】【么】【快】【的】【行】【为】【是】【有】【点】【嫌】【弃】【的】,【总】【感】【觉】【在】【自】【毁】【形】【象】。 【但】【是】【如】【今】,【不】【得】【不】【跑】。 【等】【到】【紫】【霞】【二】【人】【把】【后】【面】【的】【人】【甩】【掉】【了】【之】【后】,【紫】【霞】【就】【立】【马】【给】【自】【己】【和】【青】【霞】【施】【了】【个】【法】【术】,【让】【修】【为】【变】【得】【低】【一】【点】,【至】【少】【不】【像】【刚】【刚】【那】【样】

  “【走】【吧】,【夺】【回】【属】【于】【我】【们】【的】【一】【切】!” 【海】【上】【列】【车】【火】【箭】【人】【冲】【出】【水】【之】【都】【的】【地】【下】【水】【道】,【冲】【上】【数】【十】【米】【高】【空】,【下】【面】【是】【在】【哈】【利】【雷】【电】【融】【化】【下】【安】【静】【漂】【浮】【在】【海】【水】【中】【的】【铁】【轨】。 【路】【飞】【站】【在】【火】【箭】【人】【前】【头】,【伸】【手】【捂】【住】【被】【狂】【风】【差】【点】【吹】【飞】【的】【草】【帽】,【就】【在】【铁】【轨】【前】【面】,【罗】【宾】【在】【那】【里】,【等】【着】【他】【们】【过】【去】【将】【她】【带】【回】【来】。 【与】【此】【同】【时】! 【原】【放】【置】【火】【箭】【人】【海】【上】【列】【车】

  【不】【愧】【是】【紫】【川】【的】【大】【师】【姐】【呢】。 【这】【些】【人】【都】【有】【毒】。 【宫】【廷】【乐】【师】【已】【弹】【完】【前】【奏】。 【晗】【深】【深】【吸】【了】【一】【口】【冷】【冽】【的】【空】【气】,【闭】【上】【眼】【睛】,【在】【这】【宽】【广】【而】【寒】【冷】【的】【大】【殿】【外】【空】【地】【上】,【翩】【然】【起】【舞】。 【乐】【曲】【揍】【了】【一】【首】【不】【到】,【禁】【卫】【军】【来】【了】。 “【皇】【贵】【妃】,【人】【带】【到】【了】。” 【被】【吓】【得】【瑟】【瑟】【发】【抖】【的】**【徒】【步】【穿】【越】【在】【数】【座】【宫】【殿】【之】【间】。 【她】【又】【冷】【又】【怕】,【也】【不】【知】