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百家号12-1306:23

  

  Even before Michael Cohen appeared before the House Oversight Committee to begin testifying Wednesday, he delivered explosive new information. Several days before WikiLeaks published Democratic National Committee emails on July 22, 2016, Roger Stone called Donald Trump and — on a speaker phone that permitted Mr. Cohen to hear — told the presidential candidate that “he had just gotten off the phone with Julian Assange,” who told him that “within a couple of days, there would be a massive dump of emails that would damage Hillary Clinton’s campaign.” According to Mr. Cohen, the president expressed happiness about the prospect “to the effect of ‘Wouldn’t that be great.’”

  The detail is remarkable not just because it undercuts the president’s claims that Mr. Stone never provided him such details. It’s also a testament to how much critical information the special counsel, Robert Mueller, has kept hidden even in the most provocative of his “speaking indictments.” Even after months of investigation and voluminous indictments and sentencing memos, he’s still hiding events that lie at the core of his investigative mandate — events that involve the president directly.

  With virtually every charging document in the Russia investigation, Mr. Mueller’s team has provided far more detail than necessary and, in the process, sketched out the framework of what the investigators found. The description of the lies of a former campaign adviser, George Papadopoulos, disclosed that the campaign first learned Russians were planning to dump emails from Mrs. Clinton in April 2016, before the Democrats figured out they had been hacked. Even as Russians were dangling those emails, another filing from Mr. Mueller shows, other Russians were pitching a ridiculously lucrative real estate deal that depended on the involvement of President Vladimir Putin. Indeed, that same filing revealed that Mr. Cohen took steps to travel to St. Petersburg, possibly to meet with Mr. Putin, around the same time that Donald Trump Jr. met with Russians asking for sanctions relief. Mr. Mueller’s description of Michael Flynn’s lies explained how Mr. Flynn persuaded the Russians to hold off on any response to President Barack Obama’s imposition of sanctions in retaliation for Russia’s election interference.

  Each of those documents nods to Mr. Trump’s involvement. The document charging Mr. Papadopoulos, the foreign policy adviser, describes how he announced he was trying to set up a meeting between Mr. Trump and Mr. Putin. The Flynn document explains how his deputy, K.T. McFarland, closely orchestrated what Mr. Flynn would say in his calls with Russia’s ambassador at a time Ms. McFarland was reported to be at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort. Mr. Cohen’s charging document even describes the president himself as Individual-1, the kind of language often used to describe co-conspirators.

  But Mr. Stone’s heads-up to Mr. Trump — and his enthusiastic response — went unmentioned in the indictment filed in January.

  Certainly, the fact that Mr. Stone informed Mr. Trump of the forthcoming WikiLeaks email dump is consistent with an oblique line in his indictment. “By in or around June and July 2016,” the description of Stone’s lies explained, “Stone informed senior Trump Campaign officials that he had information indicating Organization 1 had documents whose release would be damaging to the Clinton Campaign.”

  But that line didn’t disclose the most important bits of Mr. Cohen’s revelation: that among the “senior Trump Campaign officials” with whom Mr. Stone had discussed WikiLeaks’ forthcoming dumps was the candidate himself.

  Nor does it disclose the timing of this particular disclosure, which Mr. Cohen in his testimony recalled happened on July 18 or 19. That’s significant not just because Mr. Stone predicted the timing of the release, just days away, as he would later predict details of the release of John Podesta’s emails. But it lines up eerily with a line in the indictment of 12 officers in a Russian intelligence organization, the G.R.U., who conducted the hack of the D.N.C. That document says that on July 18, WikiLeaks informed the G.R.U. online persona, Guccifer 2.0, that it had received a one-gigabyte archive “and would make a release of the stolen documents ‘this week.’”

  In other words, Mr. Cohen’s revelation suggests that Mr. Stone was learning of WikiLeaks’ plans in the same time frame as the G.R.U. itself learned them.

  None of that changes the substance of the lies that Mr. Mueller alleges Mr. Stone told, about communicating repeatedly with WikiLeaks through intermediaries to learn about and try to influence the release of stolen documents. But it is one indication that even Mr. Mueller’s often expansive charging documents are most interesting for their silences.

  Mr. Mueller’s public filings have laid out a broad framework showing that Russians dangled a real estate deal and dirt on Hillary Clinton while asking for a range of sanctions relief. If Mr. Mueller were to charge this quid pro quo as a conspiracy or describe it as one in a report, it wouldn’t matter whether Mr. Trump knew of all the events that furthered the conspiracy. Because of the way conspiracy law works, it’s enough to show that Mr. Trump willingly entered into the conspiracy and took overt acts to pursue its objectives.

  As Mr. Cohen’s testimony illustrates, Mr. Mueller has been hiding examples where Mr. Trump did applaud the conspiracy. “Wouldn’t that be great,” he reportedly said just before the fruits of Russia’s theft would start to do real damage to Democratic fortunes.

  If Mr. Mueller is hiding similar examples, it suggests that whatever he plans to release in a report may have some unanticipated bombshells.

  Marcy Wheeler (@emptywheel) writes about national security at the website Emptywheel.

  The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.

  Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.

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  【林】【冲】【吩】【咐】【军】【士】【给】【琴】【儿】【另】【行】【安】【排】【一】【间】【房】【屋】,【待】【琴】【儿】【与】【两】【名】【丫】【鬟】【去】【远】,【他】【轻】【声】【对】【史】【进】【说】【道】:“【史】【将】【军】,【还】【得】【辛】【苦】【一】【趟】,【你】【带】【人】【前】【去】【贾】【府】【盯】【着】,【看】【看】【是】【否】【有】【什】【么】【异】【动】!【若】【是】【有】,【你】【可】【以】【相】【机】【行】【事】。” 【史】【进】【有】【些】【诧】【然】【的】【说】【道】:“【林】【将】【军】【可】【是】【看】【出】【哪】【里】【不】【对】【了】?” 【林】【冲】【说】【道】:“【刚】【才】【那】【妇】【人】……【可】【能】【有】【问】【题】,【我】【怀】【疑】【她】【并】【非】

  【吕】【布】【当】【即】【上】【前】【将】【轲】【比】【能】【扶】【起】,【微】【笑】【道】:“【轲】【比】【能】,【从】【现】【在】【开】【始】,【你】【就】【是】【本】【侯】【帐】【前】【天】【狼】【校】【尉】,【与】【打】【虎】【队】【校】【尉】【李】【馗】【共】【同】【轮】【值】【宿】【卫】!” 【诸】【将】【闻】【言】【顿】【时】【微】【微】【色】【变】。 【由】【轲】【比】【能】【跟】【李】【馗】【共】【同】【轮】【值】【宿】【卫】,【岂】【不】【是】【意】【味】【着】【今】【后】【吕】【布】【的】【安】【全】【将】【由】【轲】【比】【能】【部】【落】【的】【五】【百】【多】【勇】【士】【以】【及】【李】【馗】【统】【率】【的】【一】【百】【打】【虎】【队】【人】【共】【同】【负】【责】? 【轲】【比】【能】【部】【落】【归】

  【夜】【间】【风】【有】【些】【凉】【意】,【慕】【颜】【紧】【了】【紧】【刚】【从】【路】【莎】【莎】【宿】【舍】【里】【淘】【来】【的】【运】【动】【服】【外】【套】,【继】【续】【听】【着】【音】【乐】【跑】【步】。 “【可】【真】【想】【通】【了】?” 【慕】【颜】【耳】【机】【里】【音】【乐】【的】【声】【音】【戛】【然】【而】【止】,【取】【而】【代】【之】【的】【是】【空】【灵】【的】【话】【语】【声】,【惊】【讶】【地】【站】【在】【原】【地】,【猛】【然】【回】【头】,【只】【有】【一】【个】【一】【米】【九】【个】【头】【的】【瘦】【高】【男】【生】【莫】【名】【其】【妙】【地】【看】【了】【自】【己】【一】【眼】【就】【从】【身】【边】【跑】【开】【了】。 【慕】【颜】【心】【中】【疑】【惑】【着】,“【奇】

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